This paper deals with the way a politics of belonging has been enacted in recent years in Kenya, and what this means for the Somali population of the country. Horn of Africa. Administrative boundaries and names changed over time. With access to education, healthcare, and technology, Kenya is poised for exponential growth. Interview with Mzee Jamal, November 2010. The figures concerning the North Eastern Province, where most Kenyan Somalis lived, were later nullified, following claims that they were not reliable. All Kenyan citizens aged 18 are legally obliged to register with the National Registration Bureau in order to obtain an identity card.Footnote45 The effects of non-possession of ID vary, but it is generally needed for voting, education, travel, official employment, business and even emergency aid.Footnote46 Without a valid ID, the only routes into social participation are the acquisition of forged papers, or the usage of middlemen. Their presence also transformed the urban retail sector, which changed in the 1990s due to Somali traders and the establishment of Somali shopping centres.Footnote38 With this visible presence of Somalis in the economic and political sphere, anti-Somali sentiments have grown stronger, culminating in fears that Somalis are taking over KenyaFootnote39 and that Kenya is colonized by refugees.Footnote40 These fears are not only strong among the Christian population, but also among Muslims, whose communities experienced changed power relations due to the immigration of Somalis to the cities. Political competition linked to the re-introduction of multi-party politics as well as tensions between local communities and refugees over environmental degradation, jobs, and access to servicesFootnote34 led to several violent conflicts. note: data are in current year dollars$9.709 billion (2020 est.) ), -$5.744 billion (2021 est. Ceuppens and Geschiere argue that, in many African countries, ideas of national citizenship have been pushed aside by notions of autochthony with their implicit exclusion of strangers (allochthons) since the early 1990s.Footnote4 In Kenya, autochthony discourses play indeed a role regarding questions of who can vote where, but not concerning the overall notion of citizenship. Abdullahi, who is in his mid-40s, sees himself first and foremost as Kenyan. )exports of goods and services: 13.9% (2017 est. 41. [1] Among these individuals are a number of ethnically Somali international migrants, around 300,000 of whom inhabit the wider East and South Africa regions. 101. http://kenyaimnotaterrorist.tumblr.com [accessed 21 April 2016]. the song Narudi nyumbani/coming home by Nameless, written in 2010 as a tribute to Kenyan sportspeople who represent (their) nation), advertisements (such as Niko na Safaricom/I have Safaricom, a mobile network operator in Kenya) and TV shows.Footnote43 Furthermore, the idea was at the core of civil society initiatives. In Nakuru, for instance, there were only about 500 Somalis in 1995, mostly members of long-urbanized families. ), electrification - total population: 85% (2019)electrification - urban areas: 99% (2019)electrification - rural areas: 79% (2019), installed generating capacity: 3.304 million kW (2020 est. These clashes revived the discussion over what it means to be Kenyan, yet who is imagined as belonging to the nation, and to what degree, remains a situational matter.

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